QuickOverview

Dennis John Kucinich (born October 8, 1946) is an American politician of the Democratic party. He served as the 53rd mayor of Cleveland, Ohio from 1977 to 1979 and today serves as a Democratic member of the United States House of Representatives, for the 10th District of Ohio. He also co-chaired the Congressional Progressive Caucus and is a self-described "Wellstone Democrat." He has been praised as "a genuine progressive" by Ralph Nader and in 2003, Kucinich was the recipient of the Gandhi Peace Award.

Personal details

Kucinich was born in Cleveland as the eldest of the seven children of Frank and Virginia Kucinich. His Croatian father was a semi-trailer truck driver; his Irish American mother, a homemaker. In 1973, he graduated from Case Western Reserve University with both a BA, and an MA. Kucinich is a Roman Catholic and an environmentalist. He is twice-divorced, with a daughter, Jackie, from his marriage to Sandra Lee McCarthy and married his third wife, Elizabeth Harper, a British citizen, on August 21, 2005.

Early career

Kucinich's political career began early. He was elected to Cleveland City Council in 1969, when he was 23. In 1972, Kucinich ran for a seat in the United States House of Representatives, losing narrowly to incumbent Republican William E. Minshall Jr. In 1974, after Minshall's retirement, Kucinich sought the seat again. However, this time, Kucinich did not get the Democratic nomination, which instead went to Ronald M. Mottl. Kucinich ran in the general election anyway, as an independent. While he came in third, he still managed to garner almost 30 % of the vote. Interestingly enough, Democrat Mottl still managed to win the race, even with such a large chunk of the Democratic vote going to Kucinich. In 1975, Kucinich became clerk of the municipal court in Cleveland and served in that position for two years.

Mayoralty

Kucinich's tenure as mayor is often regarded as one of the most tumultuous in Cleveland's history. Kucinich relied heavily on confrontation politics as a solution to problems, a style that made him seem bombastic to the general public. His cabinet was often criticized for including members who were too young or inexperienced to handle their respective positions. For example, Kucinich appointed 24-year-old attorney Joseph Tegreene as his finance director, a move that alarmed business leaders due to Tegreene's lack of financial experience (eight months as a stockbroker). His appointment of Betty and Tanya Grdina, the latter of whom was 19 years old when appointed as service director, was also criticized.

Kucinich's term as mayor began in January 1978, a time when Cleveland and most of Cuyahoga County was suffering from unrelenting snowfall (to the point where the area was considered a "disaster zone"). Additionally on January 26, the worst blizzard in the city's history hit with winds exceeding 100 miles an hour.

Despite this, Kucinich, once in office, moved to reverse actions of the previous Ralph Perk administration that he campaigned against. He rejected a $41 million federal grant for a UMTA (Urban Mass Transportation Administration) people mover to be built in Downtown Cleveland. In 1976, Cleveland was one of four U.S. cities to receive federal support on such a project. The mayor commented afterwards that the people mover ought to go "back to Disneyland where it belongs". He also vetoed eight ordinances, most of which were tax abatements and subsidies.

The Hongisto feud

As mayor-elect, Kucinich appointed former sheriff of San Francisco Richard D. Hongisto as chief of police, a decision he would later come to regret. Hongisto became immensely popular in Cleveland especially with the city's ethnic Eastern European community. The chief was also popular with the media, especially during one instance when Hongisto saved a person from a snow bank during the 1978 snowstorm. However, on March 23, Kucinich publicly suspended Hongisto for refusing to accept civilian control, while Hongisto asserted that Kucinich interfered with the operation of the police department. Specifically, he stated that Kucinich and his executive secretary Bob Weissman demanded that he reinstate a formally discharged police officer, Ron Turner to community relations. According to Hongisto, Turner was said to have helped Kucinich in his campaign for mayor against Feighan. In turn, Kucinich charged Hongisto with insubordination.

Recall election

After Hongisto's discharge, both critics and former supporters alike felt that Kucinich's actions against the police were too rash and that his administration was not capable of governing a struggling city. A drive began to remove the mayor from his post through a recall election.

The recall movement began slowly, with initially some 3,355 signatures short of the required 37,552 needed when it was first submitted in May 1978. This changed when relations between the Kucinich administration and Cleveland City Council were strained. This began on April 10, council voted to investigate a "midnight raid" by administration officials on the office of economic director Joseph Furber. In response Kucinich called council "a group of lunatics," and that "it's hard to believe that so many people can be so stupid," and that "if they're not stupid then they are crooked, or maybe both." Realizing his mistake regarding his comments, Kucinich offered an apology, but on the same day, Bob Weissman assailed council and business leaders in a speech to the Harvard Business Club.

Other events also contributed to the strengthening of the "anti-Kucinich movement" as the media dubbed it. In the summer of 1978, tension rose between Kucinich and the Cleveland Police Department when the mayor set up special police patrols in response to high crime in public housing projects. Police refused to obey the order. The administration then suspended thirteen officers and ultimately touched off a two-day police strike.

Another issue that contributed to the recall campaign was Kucinich's announcement to veto a plan to lease a city-owned dock to the Cleveland-Cuyahoga County Port Authority, which wanted the property so that it and Republic Steel could build a new ore dock. This move rallied the steel workers union, led by Jack Valenta, against Kucinich as well.

At a July 10 council meeting, Kucinich spoke against the lease and started to note the contrast between the actions of council on the matter and its cautious pace on his recommendation to hire a computer company.

"Stick to the issue," ordered Council President George Forbes. Kucinich responded, "Mr. Chairman, I determine the issue." "Not in this chamber," Forbes retorted. Kucinich still presisted: "Tactfully submit that you will permit me to continue my remarks." "Just one moment," Forbes said, "I chair these meetings..." Kucinich interrupted, "You have no ability, Mr. Chairman, to censor my remarks!"

After using three of his four minutes at the podium to argue with Forbes, Kucinich continued to spend his last minute comparing the issue with the computer contract. In response, Forbes declared the mayor out of order and shut off his microphone. Infuriated, Kucinich continued to protest: "Mr. Chairman, this is a corrupt deal! I will not be silenced, Mr. Chairman!" After a statement by councilman Lonnie Burten, Kucinich stormed out of Cleveland City Hall followed by 15 aides. The action brought applause from the steelworkers union, who turned out in support of the ore dock. "Keep on going," one of them shouted. Forbes attempted to restore order. "Let's be quiet while they walk out."

Council Majority Leader Basil Russo, who had begun speaking before the mayor left, also pushed for order. "Mr. Chairman, that is wrong. We cannot allow the administration to totally break down communications in city government." He continued, "We don't want him to leave, I think he's hurting the interests of all the residents of the city of Cleveland." Although council approved the lease afterward, Republic Steel decided to leave the city and build its dock in Lorain.

By June 1, an additional 5,321 signatures were obtained. Kucinich challenged the validity of the signatures but he was overruled and a recall election date was set for August 13, the first in the city's history. On election night, Kucinich ended up winning, but by a narrow margin of 236 votes.

Canceling the sale of Municipal Light

CEI was responsible for numerous violations of federal antitrust law in its attempt to put Muny Light out of business. The Atomic Safety and Licensing Board of the Nuclear Regulatory Commission determined that CEI blocked Muny Light from making repairs to its generator by lobbying the city council to place restrictive conditions on Muny Light Bonds. Because of the delay in repairs, Muny Light had to purchase power. CEI then worked behind the scenes to block Muny Light from purchasing power from other power companies. CEI became the only power company Muny Light could buy from. At that point, CEI began "price gouging," sharply increasing and sometimes tripling the cost of power to Muny Light. As a result, Muny Light began to lose money. CEI went to court to demand that Muny pay $14 million in damages for power it had purchased. Former mayor, Ralph Perk had intended to pay that light bill by selling the light system, simultaneously disposing of a $328 million antitrust suit the city had filed against CEI.

Instead, he proposed saving money by laying off 600 employees, including 400 police officers and firefighters and also proposed a $50 million bond issue to pay the Muny debt to CEI. He even agreed to seek an increase in the city income tax, something he had steadfastly refused in the past.

Council was still adamant. Forbes stated that he "spoke to the chairman of Cleveland Trust and he indicated he could go with the sale of the Municipal Light Plant."

As the week dragged on, the mayor appeared on Good Morning America and repeated his vow not to sell. Three of the six banks that held Cleveland's $14 million in notes presented the notes for redemption at the city's treasurer's City Hall office. They stated that they were willing to listen if the city developed "a financial plan satisfactory to all parties involved". Meanwhile, news reporters from around the nation flocked to Cleveland to watch as the situation intensified.

On Thursday, December 14 at 11:00 p.m. (EST), council met to consider a resolution that only gave Kucinich but one alternative: sell Muny Light or claim default. At the same session, Kucinich handed each council member a letter advising him or her that he was exercising the right given to him to call the special council meeting. Council refused.

In a dramatic closed-door meeting, Kucinich administration officials, CEI business leaders, and council members packed Cleveland City Hall and watched the clock as Cleveland became the first major American city to default on its financial obligations since the Great Depression at midnight on December 15, 1978.

The Plain Dealer later revealed that Cleveland Trust and CEI had seven interlocking directors, therefore making Trust CEI's bank. Together with another bank, Cleveland Trust owned a substantial share of CEI stock and had numerous other mutual interests.

The city's surrounding suburbs offered little financial support. Only 12 of the 59 agreed to help, in a plan lead by University Heights mayor, Beryl Rotheschild. These suburbs included Bay Village, Bedford, Fairview Park, Garfield Heights, Lakewood, Maple Heights, Newburgh Heights, North Royalton, Orange, Richmond Heights, University Heights, and Westlake.

On February 27, 1979, a special election was held with two major issues being the sale of Muny Light and an income tax increase. "I have always opposed unnecessary and unfair tax increases," Kucinich stated in a leaflet distributed throughout Cleveland. "Today I am asking for your support for Issue #2 . a 1/2 % tax increase . only because Cleveland has no other choice." Subsequently, Issue #1 for the sale of Muny Light resoundly failed and the company was never sold, while voters approved of Issue #2, increasing the city's income tax from 1% to 1.5% to provide more revenue. Public power was continued in Cleveland.

1979 mayoral election

As election season approached, Kucinich decided to run again in the mayoral primary. In April, state senator, Charles Butts announced that he would enter the race. On July 5, council majority leader, Basil Russo joined the race. Finally, after off-and-on remarks of his candidacy, Republican George V. Voinovich, who initially supported Kucinich in 1977, decided to give up his position as lieutenant governor of Ohio to run on July 26.

Unlike the 1977 race, however, there were very few debates. The Plain Dealer endorsed Voinovich while the Cleveland Press endorsed Butts. On primary night at Kucinich headquarters, the band played the theme from Rocky, while Kucinich spoke of the race in the form of a football metaphor: "We are trailing at the half, but what counts is who's winning at the end of the fourth quarter." In the end, the mayor finished second to Voinovich, 47,000 to 36,000 votes.

Most expected a heated campaign between both politicians of Eastern European descent. Early in the race, Kucinich jumped on a quote that Voinovich made to The New York Times on August 26: "I like fat cats. I want as many in Cleveland as I can get. Cleveland needs their tax dollars and the jobs they bring." In response Kucinich stated: "George Voinovich has proven conclusively....he is the candidate of the fat cats...and he would love to become the mayor of the fat cats so he can repay their generosity." Part of Kucinich's campaign tactics involved distributing political pamphlets throughout the city entitled "Who Owns Voinovich?" On the cover was an illustration of three fat cats and Voinovich in front of them on his knees with handfuls of money. The cats tell Voinovich that "We will buy you city hall as long as we can run it." The crudely-drawn Voinovich responds, "That's all right with me, 'cuz 'I like fat cats.' Besides, I don't really want to be mayor. I want to be governor."

More Kucinich campaign tactics included making an effort to appeal to both black and white voters by distributing leaflets that gave off the impression of the incumbent mayor as being the candidate for the whites/blacks. However, this scenario backfired when both blacks and whites discovered this and instead voted against Kucinich.

He also appealed to fellow Democrats for support. In response, however, county chairman Tim Hagan stated, "There is no way in hell anyone can call Dennis Kucinich a Democrat." Others were more welcoming of support. "He's unbeatable!" Bob Weissman boasted of his boss. Kucinich also received endorsement by his former foe, Carl B. Stokes, the former mayor of Cleveland and the first African American mayor of a major city. "If Voinovich wins," Stokes said in a November 1979 edition of the Cleveland Press, "the Democrats might as well forget about the state of Ohio in 1980."

However, everything came to a virtual halt when Voinovich's 9-year-old daughter was struck by a van and killed. Kucinich could no longer continue his aggressive campaigning against Voinovich. Polls, which were already leaning in Voinovich's favor, now showed overwhelming support for the former lieutenant governor. On November 6, he won the general election with 94,541 votes to 73,755. Kucinich ended up winning only 8 of Cleveland's then 33 wards.

Aftermath

After his mayoral administration, Kucinich kept a low-profile in Cleveland politics. He criticized a tax referendum proposed by Voinovich in 1980, which voters eventually approved. In a special election in 1983, he was elected again to city council for Ward 12. His brother, Gary Kucinich was also a councilman at the time.

In 1985, there was some speculation that Kucinich might run for mayor again. Instead his brother, Gary ran against (and lost to) the incumbent Voinovich. Kucinich, meanwhile, gave up his council position to run for governor of Ohio as an independent against Richard Celeste, but later withdrew from the race. After this, Kucinich, in his own words "on a quest for meaning," lived quietly in New Mexico until 1994 when he won a seat in the State Senate. "He was in political Siberia in the 1980s," said Joseph Tegreene years later. "It was only when it became clear to people that he was right... he got belated recognition for the things that he did."

Muny Light and CEI in the post-Kucinich era

During his administration, Kucinich's successor, George Voinovich defended Muny Light as CEI continued making attempts to take it over. CEI itself was subsequently acquired and is now part of FirstEnergy. Muny Light is now known as Cleveland Public Power and is still in city hands, used today throughout parts of Cleveland. After the 2003 North America blackout, First Energy was identified as a contributor to the disaster due to various failures. Kucinich began to advocate for liability proceedings.

Overview

Critics of Kucinich's performance as mayor cite the city's economic decline during his stewardship. Kucinich was often satirized in editorials and editorial cartoons as "Dennis the Menace," a reference to the comic strip of that name, Kucinich's name and youthful appearance, and his positions, which in that context were often characterized as extremist and anti-business. His confrontational-style of politics was also lampooned. One issue of the Cleveland Magazine published in 1979 even featured a lengthy cartoon that depicted Kucinich as an Adolf Hitler-esque dictator. Melvin G. Holli in consultation with a panel of experts, placed Kucinich among the ten worst big-city mayors of all time for reasons of temperament and performance in the book, Best and Worst of the Big-City Leaders 1820-1993.

However, Kucinich's supporters say that Kucinich kept his campaign promise of refusing to sell Muny Light to CEI and was brave for not giving into big business. "There is little debate," wrote Cleveland Magazine in May 1996, "over the value of Muny Light today. Now Cleveland Public Power, it is a proven asset to the city that between 1985 and 1995 saved its customers $195,148,520 over what they would have paid CEI." Kucinich's move also preserved hundreds of union jobs. In 1998, city council granted Kucinich amnesty, stating that he had "the courage and foresight to refuse to sell the city's municipal electric system."

In 1996, Kucinich was elected to the U.S. House of Representatives, representing the 10th district of Ohio. He serves on the Congressional Education and Workforce Committee as well as the Government Reform Committee. As stated before, Kucinich is chairman of the Congressional Progressive Caucus. With 54 members, it is the largest congressional caucus.

Kucinich voted against the USA PATRIOT Act. His voting record is not consistently that of the Democratic Party. He voted for a constitutional amendment to ban flag burning, as well as for the resolution calling for an investigation into President Bill Clinton's role in the Monica Lewinsky scandal, two stances also not consistent with those of his party.

Kucinich has criticized the foreign policy of President Bush, including the 2003 invasion of Iraq and what Kucinich perceives to be building American hostility towards Iran. In 2005, Kucinich voted against the Iran Freedom and Support Act, calling it a "stepping stone to war." He has since criticized the flag-burning amendment and voted against the impeachment of President Clinton. His congressional voting record has also leaned strongly toward an pro-life stance, although he is quick to note that he has never supported a constitutional amendment prohibiting abortion altogether. In 2003, however, he began describing himself as pro-choice and said he had shifted away from his earlier position on the issue. Press releases have indicated that he is pro-choice but also wants to initiate a series of reforms, such as ending the "abstinence-only" policy of sex education and increasing the use of contraception in hopes of making abortion "less necessary" over time.

He has criticized Diebold Election Systems, and posted internal company memos on his website. Kucinich has also been a strong opponent of space based weapons and has sponsored legislation, HR 2977, banning the deployment and use of space based mind control devices.

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